President Donald Trump recently wrapped up a crucial weeklong trip to Asia, including a significant summit with Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China. This trip highlighted Trump’s emerging strategy toward China for his second term: cooperate in some areas when must, while maintaining pressure on Xi’s government.

In the lead-up to the summit, several liberal media outlets and think tanks in the U.S. shared a critical article by Ben Smith, co-founder and editor-in-chief of Semafor. Smith suggests that the U.S.-China trade framework being discussed in Malaysia indicates Trump’s shift away from Washington’s longstanding hawkish approach toward China. Rush Doshi, a former China expert on President Joe Biden’s National Security Council, expressed on X.com that the trade framework implies Beijing might have gained the upper hand while U.S. efforts with allies have faltered.

However, this pessimistic analysis contradicts the reality of the situation.

Earlier in the week, Trump enhanced America’s ties with Southeast Asia by announcing trade agreements with Cambodia and Malaysia, along with frameworks for trade with Thailand and Vietnam. These countries are key members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which collectively supplies more goods to the U.S. than China. Removing tariffs and nontrade barriers with ASEAN members not only strengthens economic relationships but also helps reduce America’s reliance on China’s supply chain.

In Japan, Trump expressed strong support for Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, stating, “We are an ally at the strongest level.” This message is timely and assuring for Japan, especially following incidents where Chinese Navy and coast guard’s ships intruded into Japanese territorial waters, making Japan feel vulnerable. Such reassurances from the U.S. are essential for Japan’s national security in a complex regional landscape.

Furthermore, Trump and Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi signed a framework for securing supplies of critical and rare earth minerals, aiming to break free from China’s monopolistic control over these vital resources. Notably, Japan has valuable lessons to offer the U.S. in reclaiming supply chain resilience.

The pivotal moment for Japan came in 2010 when China abruptly halted exports of rare earth minerals following a diplomatic dispute. This incident was a crucial wake-up call, prompting Japan to take decisive action. The Japanese government developed a comprehensive plan with the private sector to reduce reliance on Chinese resources. This plan includes investing in non-Chinese rare earth projects, enhancing recycling efforts, increasing stockpiling, and fostering innovation for alternatives. As a result, Japan has decreased its dependence on Chinese rare earth minerals from 90% to 60%, with a goal to reduce it further to 50%.

Japan’s proactive approach illustrates that overcoming China’s supply chain leverage is achievable with coordinated efforts and time. The good news is that the U.S. is already developing new ways to process rare earth minerals. The days of China’s weaponization of the global supply chain of rare earth minerals are numbered.

Trump continued to strengthen alliances and increase pressure on China during his visit to South Korea. In addition to finalizing a pivotal trade deal between the U.S. and South Korea, Trump agreed to South Korean President Lee Jae Myung’s request for a nuclear-powered submarine, which would be built in a shipyard in Philadelphia, owned by South Korea’s Hanwha Ocean.

This agreement is advantageous to both nations; Lee contended that the nuclear submarine would alleviate some of the burdens on U.S. security forces while empowering South Korea to better address security threats from China and North Korea. For Trump, this initiative marks a significant step toward revitalizing the shipbuilding industry in the United States.

These strategic economic and security partnerships between the U.S. and multiple Asian countries put significant pressure on China. Additionally, Trump announced that the U.S. would “begin testing our nuclear weapons on an equal basis” with Russia and China, following Russia’s recent nuclear tests, and just hours before the Trump-Xi summit. These actions strongly counter the accusation that Trump has softened his approach to China.

Trump positioned himself from a point of strength when he finally met Xi, and the two leaders reached a temporary trade truce. China made key commitments, agreeing to buy more U.S. soybeans, ease export controls on rare earth minerals, and crack down on fentanyl production chemicals. In return, the U.S. will lower the fentanyl-related tariff on Chinese goods from 20% to 10%. This will reduce the average tariff on many Chinese products from 57% to about 47%, which is still substantial. Importantly, Trump did not yield to Xi’s request for the U.S. to oppose Taiwan’s independence, defying expectations. How could anyone argue that “Beijing got the better end of the deal?”

Trump’s China policy for his second term seems to be designed to leverage tariffs as a means to secure important concessions from China, particularly on issues like fentanyl. Simultaneously, he is focused on giving the U.S. the necessary time to revitalize its manufacturing sector and enhance supply chain security. Moreover, Trump is actively working with allies to exert consistent pressure on China.

As he embarks on the first year of his second term, he deserves the opportunity to demonstrate the effectiveness of his China policy and achieve meaningful results.

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